“Do we have the right to offend, and to not be offended by language use?”

The main (textual) topics are:
Feminism and sexist language
Swearing
Political Correctness
The ‘aesthetic alibi’: art or satire is excused from normal rules
Homophobic language penalty (recent case in Rugby)
Gangsta Rap as it enacts racism, misogyny, etc.
In addition, students should find 1 other (academic) article relating to the topic, and utilise this in their response.

The general topic is:
“Do we have the right to offend, and to not be offended by language use?”

General instructions:
Using the Farrelly (SMH) article, respond to the question supplied. In your answer, you should select 2 texts (from the WT3 folder on vUWS) which relate to specific areas of language use: e.g. Gangsta Rap, Swearing. In addition, you should conduct research and locate an academic article on this topic. This academic article should be clearly referred to in your answer. Your answer should look at multiple points of view. Word count: 700, not including the Reference List and Question.
Essay Why Sexist Language Matters
Sherryl Kleinman1

The most insidious, from my observations, is the popular expression “you guys.” People like to tell me it’s a regional term. But I’ve heard it in Chapel Hill, New York, Chicago, San Francisco, and Montreal. I’ve seen it in print in national magazines, newsletters, and books. I’ve heard it on television and in films. And even if it were regional, that doesn’t make it right. I bet we can all think of a lot of practices in our home regions we’d like to get rid of.
Try making up a female-based generic, such as “freshwoman,” and using it with a group of male students, or calling your male boss “chairwoman.” Then again, don’t. There could be serious consequences for referring to a man as a woman—a term that still means “lesser” in our society. If not, why do men get so upset at the idea of being called women?
1Correspondence should be directed to Sherryl Kleinman, Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3210; e-mail: kleinman@email.unc.edu. 299 °C 2002 Human Sciences Press, Inc. P1: GVM Qualitative Sociology [quso] ph108-quas-369336 March 20, 2002 17:48 Style file version Nov. 19th, 1999
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What’s the big deal? Why does all this “man-ning” and “guys-ing” deserve a place on my list of items of gender inequality?
The answer is because male-based generics are another indicator—and, more importantly, a reinforcer—of a system in which “man” in the abstract and men in the flesh are privileged over women. Some say that language merely reflects reality and so we should ignore our words and work on changing the unequal gender arrangements that are reflected in our language. Well, yes, in part.
It’s no accident that “man” is the anchor in our language and “woman” is not. And of course we should make social change all over the place. But the words we use can also reinforce current realities when they are sexist (or racist or heterosexist). Words are the tools of thought. We can use words to maintain the status quo or to think in new ways—which in turn creates the possibility of a new reality. It makes a difference if I think of myself as a “girl” or a “woman”; it makes a difference if we talk about “Negroes” or “African Americans.” Do we want a truly inclusive language or one that just pretends?
For a moment, imagine a world—as the philosopher Douglas R. Hofstadter did in his 1986 satire on sexist language—where people used generics based on race rather than gender. In that world, people would use “freshwhite,” “chairwhite,” and, yes, “you whiteys.” People of color would hear “all whites are created equal”— and be expected to feel included. In an addendum to his article, Hofstadter says that he wrote “A Person Paper on Purity in Language” to shock readers: Only by substituting “white” for “man” does it become easy to see the pervasiveness of male-based generics and to recognize that using “man” for all human beings is wrong. Yet, women are expected to feel flattered by “freshman,” “chairman,” and “you guys.”
And why do so many women cling to “freshman,” “chairman,” and “you guys?”
I think it’s because women want to be included in the term that refers to the higher-status group: men. But while being labeled “one of the guys” might make women feel included, it’s only a guise of inclusion, not the reality. If women were really included we wouldn’t have to disappear into the word “guys.”
At the same time that women in my classes throw around “you guys”— even here in the southern United States, where “y’all” is an alternative—they call themselves “girls.” I’m not sure if this has gotten worse over the years or I’ve just noticed it more. When I was an undergraduate in the early to mid 1970s, we wanted to be women. Who would take us seriously at college or at work if we were “girls?” To many of my students today, “woman” is old enough to be “over the hill.” A “girl” is youthful and thus more attractive to men than a “woman.” Since they like the term so much, I suggest that we rename Women’s Studies “Girls’ Studies.” And since the Women’s Center on campus provides services for them, why not call it “The Girls’ Center.” They laugh. “Girls” sounds ridiculous, they say. The students begin to see that “girl”—as a label for twenty-one-year-olds—is infantilizing, not flattering.
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Why Sexist Language Matters 301
“Girl” and “you guys” aren’t the only linguistic problems on campus. A few years ago Bob, a student in my class, said that his fraternity is now open to women as well as men and that a controversy had erupted over whether to continue to use the term “brother” to refer to all fraternity members, or to use “sister” for female members. Almost all the women in his fraternity, he said, voted to be called brother rather than sister. As with “you guys,” the women wanted to take on the word that has more value. Yet the practice of using “brother” reinforces the idea that a real member of the group is a brother (i.e., a man). I asked what would happen if he had suggested that all fraternity members be called sisters rather than brothers, or that they rename the fraternity a sorority. Everyone laughed at the absurdity of this suggestion. Exactly. Yet it is not absurd, but acceptable, to call women by the term “guys” or “brothers.”

Since the “fraternity” Bob referred to is no longer exclusively male, and since gender is no longer a criterion for membership, I asked him how he thought others might react if he suggested they substitute “association” or “society” for “fraternity.” Perhaps they could call both men and women “members,” or, if students preferred a more informal term, “friends?”
“Yes, that makes sense,” Bob told us. “But, I just don’t think they’ll go for it.” He paused. “I’m not sure why.”
We talked as a class about why this simple solution might meet with resistance. We concluded that many men would resist losing these linguistic signifiers of male superiority, and many women would resist losing the valued maleness implied by “brother” and “fraternity.” “Member” would feel like a drop in status for both women and men!
The students, like most people who use male “generics,” don’t have bad intentions. But as sociologists, we know that it’s important to look at the consequences. All those “man” words—said many times a day by millions of people every day— cumulatively reinforce the message that men are the standard and that women should be subsumed by the male category.
I worry about what people with the best of intentions are teaching our children. A colleague’s five-year-old daughter recently left her classroom crying after a teacher said, “What do you guys think?” She thought the teacher didn’t care about what she thought. When the teacher told her that of course she was included, her tears stopped. But what was the lesson? She learned that her opinion as a girl mattered only when she’s a guy. She learned that men are the norm.

A friend’s six-year-old son refused to believe that the female firefighter who came to his school to talk to the class—dressed in uniform—actually fought fires. The firefighter repeatedly referred to herself as a “fireman.” Despite the protests of the teacher and the firefighter, the boy would not be convinced. “A fireman can’t be a woman,” he said. His mother, who is fastidious in her use of nonsexist language, had a tough time doing damage control.
So, is it any surprise that the worst insult a boy can hurl at another boy is “girl?”
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We know from history that making a group invisible makes it easier for the powerful to do what they want with members of that group. Perhaps that’s why linguists use the strong language of “symbolic annihilation” to refer to the disappearance of women into male-based terms. And we know, from too many past and current studies, that far too many men are doing “what they want” with women. Most of us can see a link between calling women “sluts” and “whores” and men’s sexual violence against women. We need to recognize that making women linguistically a subset of man/men through terms like “mankind” and “guys” also makes women into objects. If we, as women, aren’t worthy of such true generics as “first-year,” “chair,” or “you all,” then how can we expect to be paid a “man’s wage,” be respected as people rather than objects (sexual or otherwise) on the job and at home, be treated as equals rather than servers or caretakers of others, be considered responsible enough to make our own decisions about reproduction, and define who and what we want as sexual beings? If we aren’t even deserving of our place in humanity in language, why should we expect to be treated as decent human beings otherwise?
Some people tell me that making English nonsexist is a slippery slope. As one colleague said to me, “Soon we’ll have to say ‘waitperson,’ which sounds awful. We won’t be able to ‘man’ the table at Orientation. And we’ll become ‘fellowpersons’ at the Institute!” I told him that “server” works well. We can “staff” the table. And why not use “scholars” instead of “fellows?” We’ve got a big language to roam in. Let’s have fun figuring out how to speak and write without making “man” the center. If sliding down that slope takes us to a place where we speak nonsexist English, I’m ready for the ride.
And this doesn’t mean that every word with “m-e-n” in it is a problem. Menstruation and mending are fine. Making amends is good, too. There’s only a problem when “men,” as part of a word, is meant to refer to everyone (freshmen, chairmen, and so on).
Now and then someone says that I should work on more important issues—like men’s violence against women—rather than on “trivial” issues like language. Well, I work on lots of issues. But that’s not the point. Working against sexist language is working against men’s violence against women. It’s one step. If we cringe at “freshwhite” and “you whiteys” and would protest such terms with loud voices, then why don’t we work as hard at changing “freshman” and “you guys?” Don’t women deserve it? That women primarily exist in language as “girls” (children), “sluts” (sex objects) and “guys” (a subset of men) makes it less of a surprise that we still have a long list of gendered inequalities to fix.
We’ve got to work on every item on the list. Language is one we can work on right now, if we’re willing. It’s easier to start saying “you all,” “y’all” or “you folks” instead of “you guys” than to change the wage gap tomorrow.
And what might help us make changes in our language? About a year ago I was complaining, as usual, about the “you guys” problem. “What we need is a Why Sexist Language Matters card that explains why we don’t want to be called guys!” Smita Varia, a veteran of my gender course, said. “Let’s write one.”
And so we did. Smita enlisted T. Christian Helms, another former student, to design a graphic for the card. You can access the layout of this business-sized card from our website: www.youall.freeservers.com Make lots of copies. Give the Kleinman cards to friends and ask them to think about sexist language. Leave one with a big tip after you’ve been “you guysed” during a meal. The card explains the problem and offers alternatives.
And institutional change is also possible. Some universities have adopted “first-year student” (instead of “freshman”) because some students and faculty got angry about the male-based generics embedded in university documents. The American Psychological Association has a policy of using only inclusive language in their publications. Wherever you work or play, get together with other progressive people and suggest that your organization use “chair” instead of “chairman,” “Ms.” instead of “Mrs.” or “Miss,” “humankind” instead of “mankind,” and “she or he” instead of “he.” In my experience, members of some activist groups think sexist language is less important than other issues. But if we’re going to work on social change, shouldn’t we start by practicing nonsexist English among ourselves? Let’s begin creating now the kind of society we want to live in later.
Nonsexist English is a resource we have at the tip of our tongues. Let’s start using it.
REFERENCE
Hofstadter, D. R. (1986). A person paper on purity in language. In D. R. Hofstadter, Metamagical themas: A questing for the essence of mind and pattern (pp. 159–167). New York: Bantam.

Australian Swearing…
“Warning: Contains coarse language”
The Australian, June 07, 2008. Roy Eccleston.
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/features/warning-contains-coarse-language/storye6frg8h6-1111116556611?nk=a00ce3c15b2c780198bd3a12972c494d
Swearing is now so common on TV, we’re inured to its effects. As a Senate inquiry brings down its report on the issue, Roy Eccleston asks: Whatever happened to taboo words?
The first time Kate Burridge had to talk really dirty in public, she almost cancelled. “I’d never, ever said these words before in my life, never mind in a public arena,” recalls the Melbourne professor of linguistics. A large vodka solved the problem. “I sipped it through the entire lecture. I was probably plastered by the end of it.” Burridge, from Monash University, is one of the world’s leading experts on swearing. Two years ago she and colleague Keith Allan published Forbidden Words, an academic exploration of how words become taboo, and how that leads to our attempts – guaranteed to fail, she says – at censoring them.
The pair knows more oaths than a barrack-room of bovver-boys and can expound with great erudition on the different reasons we swear, the unique way the brain handles these words, and the possible origins of them. There is, for example, the mingle evolutionary path going back at least 800 years of the Old Norse kunta, Middle Dutch conte, Old Frisian kunte, and Latin cunnus; or, if you prefer, the mongrel offspring of Old Icelandic fjuka, Old English firk, German ficken, and foutre from the French.
Burridge can point to passages in Shakespeare and Chaucer where the language turns blue. Yet she

still finds it unutterably difficult to use publicly. “They’re just words,” she muses. “I know that – an

amalgamation of consonants and vowels. That’s what’s so interesting about them. They’re still very,

very powerful. They’re more arousing, more memorable, more evocative than any other language

expression.”

Why? “If you mean obscenities and taboo words like f..k and c..t – we might as well say them – it’s

partly that they have a name for being bad words,” says Allan, also a linguistics professor at Monash,

who has none of his colleague’s reticence. “It’s one of the things they are used for.”

Increasingly so, it seems. There’s plenty of evidence that we’re undergoing an evolution in swearing,

in which the taboo over sexual and body-function words is seriously on the wane. Women and

children are judged to be swearing more, with words that were once considered severe. Some

experts think the f-word and the c-word are going the way of the once-notorious bloody and bugger

(a word for anal sex now considered so innocuous, the ABC says it’s OK for G-rated programs).

Certainly f..k is there already for many people, says Allan. He adds the c-word isn’t. The courts,

which for years have tended to reject allegations the f-word is offensive, appear to agree.

So do the TV networks. It’s quite likely someone will be saying it on TV on any night, and not just in

high-profile examples like British chef Gordon Ramsay’s kitchen programs. Several recent editions of

Australian Story, shown at 8pm on the ABC, have featured the f-word. Even Millionaires’ Mission,

about entrepreneurs helping Ugandan villagers, can suddenly throw up a “f..king hell” or a “shit”.

But it’s Ramsay, who is both casual and aggressive with his swearing, who has produced the harshest

breast-beating. Heavily salted with f..ks, it was two venomous c- ingredients thrown into one

episode that stuck in some viewers’ throats, especially given Nine’s decision to run the program with

a Mature (M) rating, although after 9.30pm. Compounding the problem was a Ramsay interview on

Sixty Minutes, from 7.30pm, also generously sprinkled with f-words.

The question is how far we should go. It’s an issue underscored by Underbelly – Nine’s crime drama

that started at 8.30pm – which was thick with coarse language and sex (including anal rape),

sometimes together. In one episode, drug dealer Carl Williams enjoys a drug-fuelled orgy with

prostitutes accompanied by the Spiderbait song F..ken Awesome. It knows it’s being naughty. In

another show, one detective tells his boss he’s “just trying to stop this f..king war”. “Don’t use that

language to me!” hits back the other cop.

Some viewers clearly agree. As with some of the Ramsay shows, the timing of the top-rated

Underbelly angered those who worry about the impact on children whose main viewing hours are

from 6-9pm, according to research by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA).

Fifteen per cent of all kids aged up to 17 are still watching free TV in the half-hour before 9pm.

Underbelly couldn’t have been shown at that time in the UK. Britain has a 9pm TV “watershed”

before which serious swearing and sex is not allowed, and the prohibition includes any program that

carries into that timeslot. The program wouldn’t have been shown at that time on commercial TV in

the US, either. Perhaps Australia is just less bothered; the offending Ramsay’s Kitchen Nightmares

episodes were among the most-watched shows in the country, with up to 1.5 million viewers.

Advertisers remain keen. Does anyone care?

CORY BERNARDI CLEARLY DOES. The Liberal senator from South Australia thinks the c-word is

something that should never be heard on TV, and he convinced his colleagues to open a formal

Senate inquiry examining the broadcasting codes of practice – the results of which were due to be

handed down this week.

Bernardi doesn’t come across as the sanctimonious censor trying to create a moral panic that civil

liberties groups insist he is. A former Australian representative rower, publican and stockbroker, he

admits he swears. He is, however, extremely careful not to let slip any profanity as we sit in his

Adelaide office.

First, he confesses he likes Ramsay’s show and used to watch it. He knows how stressful a kitchen

can be – he’s cooked for 300 people when the chef didn’t turn up at his pub. As for his own

language, Bernardi admits he’s used the c-word. “I have been known to, yeah,” he says. “I’m not

holier than thou. What you won’t find me doing is using it in my public duties, in the Senate or

referring to members of my staff or family in that manner. There’s a time and place.”

That doesn’t include the TV, ever. Ramsay should have been on later, with warnings, and the c-word

shouldn’t have been broadcast. Shouldn’t Liberals be pushing freedom of choice? “I’m a great

believer in people making choices,” he says. “But should we just give up on social and community

standards because some people reckon they should be able to do whatever they like, when they

like? There’s a fabric, a courtesy, to how society functions. I don’t want to lose that. You get

desensitised.”

It’s not a new concern. Aristotle, in his book Politics, circa 350BC, warned “there is nothing that the

legislator should be more careful to drive away than indecency of speech; for the light utterance of

shameful words leads to shameful actions. The young especially should never be allowed to repeat

or hear anything of that sort.”

And this is really the nub of it. The code of practice is drawn up by the networks in conjunction with

ACMA. It’s supposed to reflect community standards, and places a high priority on the protection of

kids from material that may be harmful. After all, Kevin Rudd has argued in the debate over artist Bill

Henson’s photos of naked children that we should “just allow kids to enjoy … the innocence of

childhood”.

So is there evidence of harmful consequences, given the broader concern about the sexualisation of

children? It’s one thing for parents to be surprised to hear the f-word on TV, and another for it to be

damaging. The Labor chair of the Senate environment, communications and arts committee, Anne

McEwen, has been running separate inquiries looking at sexualisation of kids in the media and

swearing on TV. She says there’s been some research alleging harmful consequences, but not much.

Brain expert and Harvard professor of psychology Steven Pinker, in his book The Stuff of Thought,

considers that question while weighing swearing’s pros and cons. Judiciously used, it’s “hilarious,

poignant and uncannily descriptive”. On the other hand, “sexual language has become far more

common since the early 1960s, but so has illegitimacy, sexually transmitted infections, rape, and the

fallout of sexual competition, like anorexia in girls and swagger culture in boys”.

While there’s no certainty of cause and effect, “the changes are of a piece with the weakening of the

fear and awe that used to surround thoughts about sex and that charged sexual language with

taboo”.

There’s plenty of international evidence that swearing is increasing in the media. A British survey

found the f-word used nearly 1500 times in movies on TV in the first half of 2003, while “foul”

language rose by 95 per cent between 1998 and 2002 in the 8pm-9pm slot in US commercial TV.

Timothy Jay, an American psychologist and author of several books on swearing, says the evidence

suggests more women do it, and that young children swear more at school and are using more

offensive words than before. But, he says, he has found no credible evidence that this damages

them.

“Children start swearing at age 1-2 years, as soon as they learn to speak,” he says. “By the time they

get to school they know most of the words that adults use. The idea that we need to protect them

from sexual language is a myth.

“Children don’t learn to swear from the media, they learn it in the backyard or playground from their

peers, siblings and parents. When parents punish their children for swearing, they reinforce how

powerful swear words are – fuelling the problem they aimed to cure.”

In Australia, there’s precious little information on swearing habits but the government-sponsored

website RaisingChildren.net.au received more than 600 responses from parents to a recent survey.

Eighty per cent said their kids aged eight and older were swearing, 10 per cent daily. According to

psychologist Warren Cann, director of the Parenting Research Centre in Melbourne, who helps run

the site, only four per cent of parents blamed TV. Nearly all admitted they swore, and mostly they

blamed themselves and their children’s peers.

It wasn’t seen as a trivial issue. Cann says almost all parents disciplined children for their language. It

perhaps was not the words that bothered them but the consequences. “I think parents were

concerned about their kids being disadvantaged or getting into trouble for using swear words,” he

says.

That’s the problem with swearing. You are breaking a taboo, and so run the risk of being stigmatised

if society thinks people who use certain words are bad, or rude, or uncouth, or low-class. Allan and

Burridge say offensive language breaks social conventions, which, as social beings, people can ill

afford. “We therefore censor our behaviour so as to avoid giving offence, except when we

deliberately intend to offend.”

The flip-side is that swearing makes a handy weapon. “If you deliberately use these words and don’t

care about the shock value, then you are one up on everyone else,” says Sue Butler, the editor and

publisher of the Macquarie Dictionary. “So the people who wield these words with apparent

indifference and impunity are going to be the tough guys, and I think that’s why blokes want to

master them rather than women.” Yet it’s not so daring these days. “We seem to be less concerned

with swearing, but I think these things do come in waves. You can’t say that about the whole

community; there will be segments that take a very firm view on taboo language.”

Butler says the key point about taboo language is that it has to be taught. “Children don’t arrive in

this world knowing one word is proper and the other will provoke terrible reactions,” she says. “They

are taught by experience.” That means if society becomes more accepting of a word that was once

taboo, its offensive nature is not picked up by children. In time, the word loses its taboo.

“Bloody” is the obvious example. It was the swear word noticed most by newcomers to colonial

Australia. In 1847 Alexander Marjoribanks in NSW noted the bullock driver used bloody 27 times in

15 minutes. It was the great Australian adjective, said The Bulletin in 1894. Then, in 1914, George

Bernard Shaw caused a sensation in England by putting bloody into the mouth of cockney flower girl

Eliza Doolittle in Pygmalion. There was some outrage, but the censor did nothing. Shaw told the

press: “I do not know anything more ridiculous than the refusal of some newspapers … to print the

word ‘bloody’, which is in common use as an adjective by four-fifths of the English nation, including

many highly educated persons.”

Why was “bloody” taboo? Like much that is taboo (a word brought from Polynesia by Captain Cook),

the underlying reason isn’t clear. Expert opinion is that it was to do with blood, as in “bloody battle”.

But Butler’s point is that the same thing is happening to the f-word. “It’s getting harder to get

excited about taboo words to do with sex,” she says. “The younger generation is ever so much more

cool and sensible and reasonable about sex than we were. So that whole hypersensitivity we grew

up with is disappearing, and I think it’s an excellent thing.”

It hasn’t gone entirely, though, as her experience on the Seven Sunrise program in 2003

demonstrated. Butler was talking on-air about words that offend, and ventured it was a no-no to tell

someone they were a boofhead in the same way it would be to call them a f..kwit. “At that point,

they snatched me off the program,” she recalls. “I thought it was just the short attention span of TV,

as we were just getting into the topic.”

Later, she got a stroppy call, upset over her language. “But they overreacted. The next day they told

me they didn’t have anything like the negative feedback they thought they’d get. In fact, most

people were ringing up saying, ‘That was an interesting discussion, why did you break it off so

quickly?’”

Nobody pulls Gordon Ramsay off air for swearing, though. His ratings are sky-high and Australians, it

seems, can’t get enough of the show, including the language. But is he really creating a problem, or

just reflecting social reality?

It is the former, argues the Catholic Church’s Paul Russell, an official in the Adelaide archdiocese.

“Consistent bad language tends to desensitise viewers into a state of more or less acceptance that

such behaviour is socially tolerable,” he says. The language can be extremely aggressive, as well:

“You French pig. Close the f..king place,” Ramsay says in one episode, before viciously using the c-

word. Russell says the young and impressionable end up thinking this is what you do – especially

when it’s a “hero figure” like “Gordo”.

Certainly, TV is judged to be the most powerful of all media in family life. “Research suggests

television content influences children’s and adults’ perceptions about what the world they live in is

really like,” ACMA’s 2007 research on media and the family found. Yet to an extent it’s a chickenand-egg

argument. Theatre critic Kenneth Tynan’s use of the f-word on the BBC in 1965 – reputedly

the first time on TV – was just a repetition of the language common in the street. For a while, Tynan

became a euphemism for the f-word, as in “I don’t give a Tynan”.

SO TV IS AN ACCELERATOR, but not the originator. The urge to swear is so strong, so linked to

emotional parts of the brain, that there are thousands of euphemisms created over the centuries to

allow people to satisfy the necessity to get out a “bad” word, without crossing the social boundary

that causes them, or their audience, to lose face.

Our preoccupation with these taboos produces a vast array of alternative words – Allan and Burridge

estimate English has 1000 expressions for penis, 1200 for vagina, 800 for copulation and 2000 for

wanton woman. “When people say they don’t swear, of course they swear,” says Burridge. “They

use remodelled swear words. Golly, gosh, heck. They’re remodelled from something stronger.”

On the question of whether even the strong words are obscene, two prominent Melbourne QCs

disagree: Julian Burnside, president of Liberty Victoria, says swearing on TV is a comparatively trivial

issue. Rather than the Government imposing some puritanical code, parents should take control and

turn off programs that are inappropriate for kids. Criminal lawyer David Galbally takes the opposite

view, arguing parliament should ban the c-word from TV because it is obscene, indecent and

insulting. “It’s fair to say we’ve moved to accept the use of the word f..k as almost common usage,”

Galbally says. “The question is, have we accepted and moved to accept the c-word? I don’t think we

have. If we take the view the use of the c-word is no longer indecent language, we now don’t have

any. Let’s repeal the section (of the law). Society has got to have some standards.”

It does, but they change over time, and taboos move with them. Religion was once the prime source

of swearing, and you could burn in hell for it. So, as Geoffrey Hughes details in his 1991 book

Swearing: A Social History of Foul Language, Oaths and Profanity in English, a vast number of

expressions were invented to disguise the oath, and Shakespeare used quite a few. Bizarre examples

include ’snails, (God’s nails), gadzooks (God’s hooks) and zounds (Gods’ wounds) around the 1600s.

Slidikins (God’s little eyelids) is especially odd. Gosh and golly, both euphemisms for God, date from

around 1743.

Disguising sexual words has also been practised for a long time. There’s effing (1929) and frigging

(1785) for f..k; shucks (1847) and shoot (1934) for shit – a word that dates back at least 1000 years.

There’s the quaint firkytoodle for foreplay. Then there is rhyming slang, some of which has been

shortened so it loses any obvious association. A kick in the Khyber (Pass) is probably well known still,

but who would remember that to be called a berk was originally to be called the c-word (from

Berkeley Hunt, an English country hunt)? “Puck you,” was Jonah’s euphemism in the ABC’s Summer

Heights High.

Pinker argues there’s an ancient reflex to swear. It can be deeply satisfying, he says, and may go back

to an old mammalian “rage reflex”. It’s like a good howl. As well, he says we know that to use swear

words gets attention, because they create an emotional response in the listener.

The reason is that we appear to store swear words in a part of the brain separate to other speech, or

at least to access them differently. Burridge says taboo words go with a red-flag to the limbic part of

the brain, more attuned to emotions than analytical thinking. And our bodies react to them in a very

different way than to other language. Our brains more readily remember them and are distracted by

them, and our skin goose-pimples on hearing them. “Forbidden words are more arousing, more

shocking, more memorable and more evocative than all other language stimuli,” Burridge says.
Yet experts don’t believe it is the sound of the words that makes them special, nor what they
denote. It’s their infamy. When Ian McEwan’s Atonement was being made into a film, Hollywood
executives reportedly tried to convince British director Joe Wright to drop the word c..t – its literal
use is pivotal– and replace it with vagina. He refused. The c-word is never uttered in the film, but is described by a young girl as “the worst word you can possibly imagine”. It is emblazoned several times in a type-written note in close-up on the screen. All the power and credibility of the plot is in it; vagina would be laughable.
So what does make an effective swear word? Ruth Wajnryb in her book Language Most Foul says it needs to break a taboo by making public what should be private; it must be intended to shock and outrage; and it must sound good.If it makes the grade, the word has a wide variety of uses. Pinker says it’s cathartic, such as when someone bangs their hand with a hammer and lets out a sudden profanity. It can be descriptive, idiomatic, and emphatic.
In a social sense, members of a group may also bond more closely by throwing around taboo words.
It was once called locker-room language, but women in groups also do it. “You can use them with those you’re fondest of – ‘G’day you old bastard’ – or as steamy pillow talk,” Burridge says.
Then there’s abusive swearing, where a female body part is deemed more effective. “Male body parts tend to have associations with stupidity, while female body parts have associations that are much stronger and nastier,” she says. Why is the female sex organ so potent? The obvious reason is that women’s sexuality has stronger taboos, yet that doesn’t seem like a satisfactory answer.
Perhaps it is just male frustration with something they can’t control.

Ramsay ranges across the possible uses. But for all the focus on his language (and some would see his aggressiveness as more perturbing), there’s not much evidence that the nation is in uproar about swearing on TV. Free TV Australia, which represents the commercial networks, says the number of complaints averaged less than one a week over the past decade. However, unlike the ABC, the commercial networks require written complaints, and won’t investigate email or phone whinges.
The networks also cite a recent ACMA survey which asked viewers whether they’d seen anything of concern on TV in the previous year. About 78 per cent said they hadn’t, or didn’t know. Of the 22 per cent who had been concerned, the largest group cited sex and nudity, followed by bad language and violence. That means that about 670,000 people, or about 5 per cent of the adult population, remembered being concerned about language – which is a lot more than the one a week who complain to the networks. Given the TV code of practice is supposed to reflect community standards, it’s fair to ask why the industry and ACMA doesn’t directly survey public opinion on what people think of swearing on TV.
The BBC and other British broadcasting interests did just that in 2000, asking about attitudes to swearing in life, on TV and in ads. It found people believed swearing was on the increase, but while  most opposed it, they felt powerless to prevent it. Regarding TV, more than 80 per cent opposed swearing and sex before 9pm, when children were more likely to be watching.
The British were also asked to rate a list of 28 offensive words. The mildest were words such as poo and rhyming slang, followed by religious profanities, and then a mix of sexual words and racist slurs.
While c..t, motherf..ker and f..k were rated the worst swear words, they were more tolerable on TV very late than words such as nigger and Paki.
Fifty two per cent said the c-word should never be broadcast, and another quarter said only after 11pm. But 53 per cent said nigger should never be broadcast, and 50 per cent said the same for Paki.
Only 38 per cent opposed f..k at any time. Notably, the racist words had become much more disliked in the two years since the previous survey.
Burridge believes it is impossible to stamp out swearing, but is convinced taboo words about sex and body functions are loosing their oomph, partly because they’ve become so commonplace. “What is now perceived as truly obscene are racist and ethnic slurs, the use owhich may provoke legal consequences,” she says, pointing to the furore when footballer Michael Long was called a “black c..t”. The controversy was not the c-word, but the racist taunt.
It’s certainly true that Gordon Ramsay would never be allowed to get away with a word like nigger.
And, for the moment at least, he won’t be repeating the c-word either. Nine maintains the code of practice allows the word to be used, but told the Senate inquiry it has now banned it from all programs.
Bernardi hopes that other stations will follow suit in banning the c-word, and would also like to see a 9pm watershed before which swearing would be banned. But perhaps he’s just trying to hold back
the tide. (Interestingly, the Danish King Knut who tried this trick was originally Anglicised to Cnut.
Later, the spelling became the more demure Canute.)
The ABC says it is entitled to use the word, but only in context, in an MA-15 program after 9.30pm.
It’s been doing so on average once or twice a year for years without earning the wrath of viewers. It sees no reason to change. Appropriately, the last time was in The Chatterley Affair in January, a fictional take on the 1960 court case in which Penguin beat an obscenity charge in order to publish DH Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. The jury’s decision signalled a shift in the wind,one would sweep away many of the taboos blocking the use of “dirty words” in public.
The upshot today is that the c-word is in a category of its own. The f-word is increasingly common in TV, books and movies, if not in the mainstream press. It’s likely the boundaries will be further eroded. “Forbidden words flourish all the more vigorously on a diet of individual censoring and public disapproval,” says Burridge. One day she might even feel comfortable using them publicly herself.

this is your question: “Political Correctness has gone too far”. Discuss

Diabetes mellitus type 2; mother suffered from hypertension during her pregnancy

3- Hypertension in pregnancy:
Location: obstetrics ward 1 Date: 24/2/2014
Case summary:
Mrs. IS is a 33 year old female, prima gravida, who presented with a high blood pressure (180/90) at an antenatal visit, during 36 weeks gestation.
History of Present Pregnancy:
Mrs. IS had her last menstrual period on 18th June 2013 her cycles were previously normal and regular every 28 days. She has no history of any menstrual problems. Mrs. IS said the pregnancy was planned and she was taking folic acid from 3 months prior to the pregnancy and throughout the first trimester. Ultrasound scan was done at 18 weeks gestation; no abnormality reported
History of Presenting Complaint: Mrs. IS was noted to have a blood pressure of 180/90 during her last antenatal visit (2 days previously). Patient was asymptomatic other than feeling slightly lethargic and a slight headache on date of admission. She did not have any of the following symptoms: nausea, vomiting, blurred vision, or pain.
Past Obstetric History:
There is no obstetric history or any history of miscarriages
Past Medical and Surgical History:
Patient was reported to have borderline hypertension prior to pregnancy, however was not on any form of medication.
She had a D&C in 2012; no problems with anesthesia were reported.

Past Gynecological History:
The patient reached menarche at the age of 14. Her cycles, prior to pregnancy were previously normal and regular occurring every 28 days. Patient had a dilatation and curettage 2 years ago due to menorrhagia. Last smear test was done in January 2013, and this was normal. She has never used any form of contraceptive method
Drug History:
Patient is not on any regular medication No known drug allergies
Social History:
Patient lives with husband in Birzebbugia. She does not smoke nor drink alcohol
She is employed as an accounts executive
Family History:
Father: hypertension
Mother: Diabetes mellitus type 2; mother suffered from hypertension during her pregnancy

On examination:
The patient was examined at 36 weeks pregnancy, she was an inpatient in obstetric ward 1, and did not suffer from any acute symptoms.
On inspection the patient seemed to be in good general health, with no visible signs of anemia, distress, or malnutrition. Cardiovascular examination was normal, with a blood pressure of 125/80 and pulse rate of 67; she did not show any peripheral signs of heart failure and no ankle swelling. Respiratory system examination was also normal, with normal air entry in both lungs and no added sounds. On visualization of the abdomen, it appeared to be distended which conformed to pregnancy; she had a linea nigra and straie gravidum. The fundus was at the level of the xiphisternum and symphysis-fundal height measured 36 cm. the fetal lie appeared to be longitudinal with a cephalic presentation.
Case discussion:
Differential diagnosis:
Pre-existing hypertension: this could be a cause; since it would show up on previous antenatal visits to outpatients.
Pre-eclampsia: this is the most likely diagnosis since the patient was borderline hypertensive prior to pregnancy, especially since it presenting at this stage of gestation, and it is important to check for proteinuria.
Renal disease: is a rare cause of hypertension, and would be excluded during early stages of pregnancy.

Management:
Management of pregnant patient with hypertension depends on what stage of pregnancy the patient is in, and if she is symptomatic from the hypertension.
In the case of this patient, she requires hospitalization due to the fact that she is in late stage pregnancy and is therefore at risk of developing pre-eclampsia and therefore requires close monitoring.
Blood pressure should be aimed at less than 160 systolic and less than 100 diastolic, and in the case that it is sustained higher than that, IVmagnesium sulfate can be given to prevent eclamptic seizures. To lower blood pressure, labetalol (beta blocker) can be given orally or IV as it has a rapid onset of action and is considered firs line treatment. Nifedapine (calcium channel blocker) is mostly used to treat chronic hypertension as it has a slow onset of action but is long acting. Both ACE inhibitors and Angiotensin receptor antagonists should be avoided in pregnancy as they are associated with fetal renal dysgenesis and death.

5- Ovarian Dermoid cyst
Location: Gynecological ward date: 28/3/2014
Case summary: Mrs. MC is a 20 year old female who was admitted to the gynecological ward following the scheduled removal of a left ovarian cyst.
History of Presenting Complaint: in 2012, Mrs. MC presented to the causality department after having severe pain in her left iliac fossa, it was noted that this pain was mid-cycle. She was then referred to her gynecologist, who after investigations (most importantly Ultrasound) discovered that she had ‘water cysts’ and also a small dermoid cyst in her left ovary. She was then kept on conservative management, and was prescribed analgesia for the pain. The patient describe that the pain remained and never went away, and in January 2014, the pain become very severe; and the patient scored it as 10/10. She described it as a pressure sensation which was intermittent. She did not experience any nausea/vomiting, but she note that her cycles were longer during these past few months and she was attributing this to the dermoid cyst .She tried taking Panadol, voltaren and catafast for the pain, however they had minimal effect. Investigations showed that the dermoid cyst had increased in size. After a couple of days in hospital, she was discharged and an operation date (27/3/2014) was set for removal of the cyst.
Past Obstetric History:
The patient does not have an obstetric history or any history of miscarriges.
Past Medical and Surgical History:
She has reported that during her childhood she would have recurrent urinary tract infections.
She suffers from Allergic rhinitis

Past Gynecological History:
The patient had her first period at the age of 15 years. Her last menstrual period was on the 22nd March 2014. Prior to these past few months, her Cycles would vary from 28 to 35 days, with normal flow, and each menses lasting about five days. She states that she sometimes experiences normal discharge, with no intermenstrual bleeding or postcoital bleeding. She has minimal pain associated with menstruation, but she does not usually take any analgesics for it. She has never used any form of contraception. She had her last Smear test done in January 2014, which was normal.
Drug History:
Neoclaritine 5mg daily between March and May
No known drug allergies
Family History:
None relevant
Social History:
Patient is a smoker, and smokes about 8 cigarettes a day for the past 4 years. She is a social drinker and mostly consumes alcohol on the weekends. She Lives at home with her parents in Luqa. Mrs.MC works at a call Centre.
On examination:
The patient was viewed in the gynecological ward where she was an inpatient.
On inspection, the patient was in good general health. Cardiovascular examination was normal, with no murmurs heard and no peripheral signs of heart failure noted. Her blood pressure was 125/75mmhg and her pulse was 82bpm. Respiratory exam was normal, with no signs of decreased air entry in both lungs and no added sounds. Abdominal examination was normal, with no signs of distention, rigidity, or tenderness. The patient did not consent for a gynecological examination and it was therefore was not performed.
Case discussion:
Differential diagnosis:
Chocolate ovarian cyst: this an important differential as it is often confused with dermoid cysts, however the patient would most likely report symptoms of endometriosis like heavy periods and intermenstrual pain.
Ovarian cancer: it is a potential diagnosis; however given the patient age it less likely to occur.
Ectopic pregnancy: this should be ruled out with proper investigations.
Management:
The management of this type of cyst depends on the size. Small cyst can be treated conservatively with pain management and continuous follow up at outpatients to observe size. Larger cysts require removal, as they make the patient susceptible to ovarian torsion which is a medical emergency, and it is traditionally done under laparoscopic surgery depending on the facilities and experience of the surgical team.

Discuss and write an essay on some government program or policy that involves fairness or justice and on which there is a great deal of disagreement.

Discuss with several different people (or read several different views on) some government program or policy that involves fairness or justice and on which there is a great deal of disagreement, such as: Health Care Reform, Unemployment programs, Social Welfare programs, efforts to save the Environment, Immigration Reform, Funding for Public Schools, or proposals to increase/decrease taxes.
Try to get them to explain to you exactly what each means when they say that these programs or policies are “fair” or “just” (or “unfair” or “unjust”). Relate their views to the three views on justice discussed in your text. pp 349-372 in Philosophy: An Introduction Through Literature: This includes two short stories: “An Experiment in Misery” & “The House of Morgan”

Determine CRM organizational effectiveness at starting and building relationships with existing customers and potential (prospect) customers.

Determine CRM organizational effectiveness at starting and building relationships with existing customers and potential (prospect) customers
Measurement
Track, at a minimum, 6 organizations interactions with customer/prospect across multiple channels for 10 weeks. Define how the first interaction was precipitated and provide details on the substance of all interactions. Feel free to add more organizations after the first week.
Logistics
1. Select at least 6 organizations as your targets. These organizations may be someone that you currently interact with (e.g. purchase from Best Buy) or someone that you have never interacted with before today.
2. Download spreadsheet template (“crm_journal_template”) from D2L (under the Assignment section) Fill in names of the organizations selected in the spreadsheet where appropriate (i.e. replace text shown in red font)
3. Perform some type of activity with each organization. This may be a purchase, an inquiry for more information, etc… This may be in any of the channels available (i.e. web, phone, in-person, via postal mail.) If possible (not required) attempt to make yourself appear as an optimal customer to the respective organization so as to provide them with an incentive to contact you, gather more information from you or perform more interactions with you. For example, if you were attempting to get more information from a camera retailer, you may want to give the camera retailer the impression that you are a heavy user of photo supplies or equipment. If you provide personal information, place an extra letter in the name or use some other middle initial so as to make it easier to spot unsolicited communication from this or some other organization. You may want to create a new email address for this exercise (again, this is not a requirement).
4. Each week update the spreadsheet with the type of activity that has transpired between you and each respective organization. This information should be updated to your spreadsheet and not uploaded to D2L until the journal due date. At that time you will upload your spreadsheet to D2L.
5. At the end of the quarter (per due date) you will submit your spreadsheet to the Drop Box labeled “CRM Journal all related files”.
6. NOTE: Sometimes an organization performs little or no contact. Not having much to report will not have a negative impact on your grade. However you should provide your insight in the comment column of your spreadsheet as to why you believe the organization failed to build a relationship with you. Some reasons may be an organization’s incompetence, conscious decision not to spend money, decision not to proceed based upon determination of potential (i.e. scoring model based on information about you) spending threshold not met, not enough information provided by you, your decision to “opt-out”.

Significant main effects were seen in the development of aversive racism. Explain any effects that are present and include statistics to show significant and non-significant main effects.

PL2D101: Understanding & Researching Psychology: Developmental, Social and Individual Difference Perspectives

Critical Review – Social Psychology
Guided Questions: DaFranca and Monteiro (2013)
1) According to the authors, what is already known about prejudice in children & young people? Include a definition of the Aversive Racism Theory as part of your answer. (150 words)
2) How might social norms affect the expression of prejudice in children and adults? (300 words; hint you will probably need to read around the topic to answer this question effectively)
3) For study 1: Describe the measures used for reward allocation. How suitable were these for assessing the research aims and for the sample used? (100 words)
4) For study 1: What did the authors do to ensure consistency in stimulus photographs? What, if anything, should the authors have done differently and why? (100 words)
5) Complete the following table using the results for study 1 on pages 266 and the graphs on page 267 (approx 200 words):
What effect did target performance have on reward allocation? Include a verbal description of the findings and report the relevant statistics to support your answer.
What, if any, significant main effects were seen in the development of aversive racism? Explain any effects that are present and include statistics to show significant and non-significant main effects.
How do the authors test the significant three-way interaction and what does it show?
6) According to the authors, how will study 2 extend the findings or improve the methods of the first study? Do you think they are correct and why/why not? (100 words)
7) What similarities and differences are there between the results of study 2 and those of study 1? (approx 200 words)
8) What practical/real-world implications do the results of this research have? (approx 200 words)
9) If you could carry out one study to extend this research what research questions would you ask? How would you do it and why?
Social norms and the expression of prejudice: The development of aversive racism in childhood
DALILA XAVIER DE FRANÇA1* AND MARIA BENEDICTA MONTEIRO2
Abstract
In Study 1, 82 White children aged 5–10years allocated rewards to White and Black target children in justified/unjustified normative contexts according to their performance on a previous task. In Study 2, 71 White children aged 5–10years allocated resources to White and Black target children in conditions of high (interviewer was present) or low (interviewer was absent) salience of the anti-racism norm. In both studies, younger children displayed intergroup biased racial behaviours in most conditions, whereas older children, as expected, only displayed similar egalitarian behaviours in contexts where an anti-racism normative pressure was not salient. Results of both experimental studies highlighted the interplay between child development, the anti-prejudice norm and context factors. Furthermore, they support the assumptions of the theory of aversive racism regarding the use of legitimizing justifications to account for racial biased behaviours and extend its scope to a better understanding of the development of racial prejudice in childhood. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
The expressions of racism in western societies are becoming progressively more subtle and less overtly negative than they were in the early 20th century, mainly due to normative pressures regarding the universal values of equal rights. However, there is extensive evidence for the persistence of both explicit and indirect forms of prejudice against racialized minority groups in these societies (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Katz & Hass, 1988; Kinder & Sears, 1981; McConahay & Hough, 1976; Pereira, Vala & Costa-Lopes, 2010; Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995), suggesting that more research is needed in order to establish both the contexts and the processes that can favour one or the other pattern of interracial encounters (e.g., Crandall & Eshleman, 2003; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Jost, Banaji & Nosek, 2004). Regarding children, although past literature argued in favour of a general cognitive-developmental model that would account for a reduction of intergroup bias in White children after the age of seven (e.g. Aboud, 1988, 2005; Yee & Brown, 1992), more recent research has found that intergroup bias may persist at that age (e.g. Baron & Banaji, 2006; Fitzroy & Rutland, 2010). This latter finding seems to be due to the importance of egalitarian social norms maximally relevant to regulate older children’s prejudiced behaviours (Rutland, Killen & Abrams, 2010). Indeed, research has shown that, with age, children can comply with those egalitarian norms and control their attitudes and behaviours. Differently, when attitudes of these children were assessed in an implicit or indirect way, intergroup bias became manifest (Rutland, Cameron, Milne & McGeorge, 2005). However, research has not shown how children, similar to adults (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004), can use ambiguous normative contexts as justifications for prejudiced behaviours and how these effects may be moderated by age.
The current research aims to show that, from middle childhood on, White children may go on to display racial biased attitudes toward Black children, although they will express them in a subtle and indirect way. In two experimental studies, we tested two fundamental assumptions underlying the research on aversive racism: (i) in contexts in which it is possible to find a justification unrelated to the target’s ethnicity to explain a prejudiced response, White children may display intergroup biased behaviour and (ii) the anti-prejudice normative salience can counteract the expression of intergroup biased behaviour in public/accountable, but not in private conditions, and more in older than in younger children. We particularly seek to investigate the role of the anti-prejudice norm’s salience on the emergence of aversive intergroup bias in childhood. We predict that, after the age of seven, White children express, similarly to adults, either blatant or veiled forms of racism according to normatively justifiable and/or non-accountable conditions and that before this age, they will present more simple forms of blatant ethnocentric intergroup behaviour across justification and accountability conditions. In this sense, our goal is to better understand the course of development of this process in White children and what role anti-racism norms can play on the regulation of aversive prejudiced behaviours against an ethnic minority.
*Correspondence to: Dalila Xavier de França, Department of Psychology, Federal University of Sergipe, Sergipe State, Brazil.
E-mail: dalilafranca@uol.com.br
Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Received 15 July 2012, Accepted 29 April 2013
This study was conducted in Brazil, a country with a long history of miscegenation and a tradition of racial integration, where Blacks, Indians and Whites live in the same geographic areas and share a largely common culture. We may thus suppose that prevailing contact conditions will favour positive interracial relations. In this regard, Turra and Venturi (1995) observed in their study, with a representative sample of Brazilian population, that almost 90% of participants say that they are not racists. However, the same percentage stated that Brazilians are racists. These results indicate that Brazilians are aware that racism is wrong, although they recognize that racism exists in their country. Other studies show the effects of anti-racism norms in the expression of prejudice in Brazil (see Lima, 2007; França & Lima, 2011, for a review).
Social Norms and the Aversive Expression of Racism
Since the late 1950s, changes in prejudiced expressions against minority groups have become more and more visible, supported by norms of social egalitarianism. These changes have been addressed by the theories of new forms of prejudice (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Katz & Hass, 1988; McConahay & Hough, 1976; Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995). Aversive racism theory (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986) argues that response contexts can determine more overt or more covert expressions of racism. It asserts that, in contexts in which the socially desirable response is not clearly defined, or in contexts in which one can find a non-racially related justification to explain a negative behaviour toward an outgroup member— in this case, the Blacks—racially biased behaviour can occur. On the contrary, in situations where the norm is clearly antiracist, Blacks are likely to be treated as favourably as Whites, because discrimination against them would harm the egalitarian self-image of a White person (e.g., Pearson, Dovidio & Gaertner, 2009).
Discrimination rooted in aversive racism may occur, however, without the individual being aware of it. Consequently, although blatant expressions of prejudice can be promptly inhibited by the threat of social sanctions, aversive racismrelated bias may remain unchanged (Pearson et al., 2009) and be only revealed through implicit or indirect measures (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004). Gaertner (1973) first tested these assumptions in two experiments using the paradigm of helping behaviour in which he assessed the differential behaviour of Whites toward Black and White motorists who were allegedly stranded on a highway. The author concluded that social norms moderate the expression of bias stemming from aversive racism, because when an anti-racism norm becomes salient, helping behaviour will not be biased (see also Lima & Vala, 2002). Significantly, the studies of Crandall, Eshleman and O’Brien (2002) added to this set of assumptions evidence that the salience of anti-racism social norms is a sound predictor of the expression of unbiased attitudes or behaviours against social minorities.
Racism in Childhood
Drawing on Allport’s arguments regarding the development of prejudice from early ages to adulthood (1954), Dovidio and Gaertner (1998) argued that as children become aware that exclusion attitudes toward certain social groups are banned by society, the expression of these attitudes may be changed into more egalitarian public attitudes. However, negative attitudes towards African-Americans can also remain until adulthood, often in implicit memory, and may conflict with the egalitarian attitudes that are conscious and explicit. Indeed, some studies using implicit measures corroborated the idea of the permanence of intergroup racial prejudice after middle childhood. For example, Baron and Banaji (2006), using a child-oriented version of the Implicit Association Test (Greenwald, McGhee & Schwarz, 1998), showed an asymmetry in the development of implicit and explicit race attitudes in childhood, with explicit attitudes becoming more egalitarian in middle childhood and implicit attitudes remaining stable and in-group biased throughout development. In the same vein, McGlothlin, Killen and Edmonds (2005) investigated indirect racial bias in judgments regarding cross-race friendships in 6 and 9yearold White children using the ‘ambiguous situation’ paradigm. They found an age-related decline in the judgement that cross-race peers could be friends: Differently from younger children, older male participants displayed a higher indirect racial bias as they reported less frequently that a White and a Black child could be friends when the transgressor was a Black peer than when he was a White peer.
In developmental social psychology, the debate is ongoing about the origins and the course of development of intergroup prejudiced attitudes and behaviours throughout childhood. Although some researchers argued for a predetermined course of dominant White children’s intergroup attitudes (Aboud, 1988) that would peak at the ages of 5 to 7years and would decline in late childhood, mainly due to the emergence of new social and cognitive abilities (e.g., Doyle & Aboud, 1995), other researchers argued that those new developmental abilities are not able, per se, to prevent older children’s prejudiced attitudes: They must be coupled with clear social norms that stress and enforce more egalitarian attitudes (e.g., Killen, McGlothlin & Henning, 2010; Rodrigues, 2012; Rutland, 2004) or make it clear to children how they can control their racial prejudice.
To address Allport’s (1954) idea that individuals try to control their ethnic prejudice, Fitzroy and Rutland (2010; see also Rodrigues, 2012) have shown in White 6 to 9-year-old children that with age they can better control the expression of racial prejudice when they face a public exposure but also that this effect was moderated by children’s awareness of the anti-prejudice norm. Also, the role of normative pressure to comply with the anti-racial prejudice norm was analysed in 6–7 and 8- to 10-year-old White Portuguese children (Monteiro, França & Rodrigues, 2009). In the non-salient norm condition, both younger and older children similarly favoured the White over the Black target child, whereas in the salient norm condition, younger, but not older children, favoured the White child.
Drawing on this research, we can point at important normative-contextual conditions that can allow children to display aversive racial biased behaviours. Those conditions can occur when anti-prejudice norms are not clearly conveyed (e.g. more in older than in younger children, Rodrigues, 2012, Rutland et al., 2005) and acknowledged (e.g. in racially homogenous settings, Cohen, 1980; Khmelkov & Hallinan, 1999; Schofield, 1989), when appropriate normative control is not endorsed (e.g., in anonymous contexts, Monteiro et al., 2009), or when those norms are counteracted by contextual cues (e.g., non-racially justified context, França & Monteiro, 2004).
The fact that few studies have been carried out on the emergence of aversive racism in children may be due to the idea, widespread in developmental literature, that early prejudice against members of other ethnic groups is closely related to limitations in their cognitive abilities, as proposed by the socio-cognitive developmental theory (CDT) (Aboud, 1988). These cognitive changes would account for the inverted U-shape pattern of White children’s racial attitudes, according to which racial biases are typically high until the second grade and then decrease in the following years so that children thus become truly unbiased (Aboud, 1988). Aversive racism framework suggests, in contrast, that after 7–8years children are still biased but that the nature and the expression of their bias have changed from blatant to subtle.
As the goals of most subsequent research on the developmental trends of racial bias along childhood were to illuminate these contradictory approaches, rather than assuming age as a continuous variable, the same age groups used by the CDT were used in most experimental sampling (e.g., Dunham, Baron & Banaji, 2008; Feddes, Noack, & Rutland, 2009; McGlothlin et al., 2005; McGlothlin & Killen, 2010; Monteiro et al., 2009; Nesdale, Maass, Durkin & Griffiths, 2005; Raabe, & Beelmann, 2011; Rutland et al., 2005). Although in more recent studies, conducted in racially integrated schools, Aboud, Mendelson and Purdy (2003) have observed a reduction in the number of older White children’s cross-race friendships, the evidence remains contradictory, because, in an even more recent study, this result was not supported (Aboud & Sakar, 2007).
Our research is intended to help reconcile the existing divergent perspectives on the course of intergroup prejudice in childhood by showing the interplay among age-related developmental findings (Aboud, 1988; Killen et al., 2010; Rodrigues, 2012), aversive racism assumptions (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004) and the regulation of intergroup relations through social norms (Monteiro et al., 2009; Rutland, 2004) on early subtle manifestations associated with aversive racism. In sum, we investigated the role of the anti-prejudice norm on White children’s overt and covert expressions of racism in two studies. We predicted that age would moderate the effect of normative pressure (justified/unjustified; public/private contexts) on children’s intergroup responses.
STUDY 1
The overall aim of this study was to determine the effect of the salience of different normative contexts on the development of White children’s racial responses in two age groups. Normative context was operationalized as ‘unjustified intergroup bias’ (White and Black targets’ performance was similar) versus ‘justified intergroup bias’ (White and Black targets’ performance was different). The following hypotheses were tested: (H1) Overall, the White target will be more rewarded than the Black target; (H2) In the unjustified context condition, younger children will reward the White target more than the Black one, whereas older children will reward both targets similarly; differently, in the justified context condition, both younger and older children will reward the White target more than the Black one.
METHOD
Design
A full factorial design of 2 (age: 5–7years vs. 8–10years) 2 (target: White vs. Black) 2 (normative context: justifiable vs unjustifiable) was used. The last two factors were withinsubjects. The dependent measure was the mean number of sweets distributed by participants to each target child as a reward for helping the participant in a previous task.
Procedure and Materials
Children were individually interviewed at school after parental consent. Photographs of Black and White children (same-sex as participant) were used as stimulus target children. Four small toy bricks were used in the task and six toy candies as rewarding materials.
The interviewer told each child:
‘Imagine that you want to build a playhouse (for girls) or a garage (for boys), and you need some other children to help you carry the bricks. You have decided to ask two children to help you, saying that you will give them some sweets as a reward.’ Then, the interviewer showed the child the photographs of a Black and a White child together with the number of bricks that each child had carried to help him or her and asked the child to use the sweets to reward the target children for their help. The interviewer was unaware of the hypotheses.
Rewarding behaviour was measured as the average number of sweets given to target children in two contexts: a justifiable (target children’s different performance) and an unjustifiable (target children’s similar performance) context. In the unjustifiable context, the child was asked to allocate the six sweets to the two target children who had carried two bricks each; so, this variable ranged from 0 to 6. In the justifiable context, the child had to reward the two target children in two different performance situations. In one justified context situation, the White target performed better than the Black target (i.e., the White child carried three bricks and the Black child carried one brick). In the other justified context situation, the Black target performed better than the White target (i.e., the Black child carried three bricks and the White child carried one brick). The order of presentation of these situations was randomized. So, although the two situations were different, when taken together, the number of bricks carried by both target children was the same (4–4). The scores of the sweets allocated to each target child in the two justified situations were averaged into a single justified context score so that it also ranged from 0 to 6.
Pre-test of Stimulus Photographs
Pictures used as stimuli were pre-tested regarding skin colour, age, physical appearance and image quality. Eighteen judges (Mage =21.98; SD=5.55) were presented with four pictures (two girls, White and Black; two boys, White and Black). Each picture has been evaluated by nine judges. The pictures were identically evaluated in all the required parameters, except for skin colour: 89% of the judges considered the Black target children to be Black and 11% (one judge) Mulatto. The White target children’s pictures were considered to be White by 100% of the judges.
RESULTS
Children’s Comprehension of the Task
A repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) was carried out with participants’ age as between-subjects factors and participants’ reward scores for target children carrying 1, 2 or 3 bricks as within-subjects factors. The results showed a main effect of the number of bricks the target child carried on reward, F(2,80) = 68.94, p<.001. There were no main effects of age F(1,80)=1.80, p=.183, and the interaction between participants’ reward scores and age was not significant, F (2,80)<1, p=.915. A paired-sample t-test was performed to verify differences between participants’ reward scores. Results indicated that children indeed used the targets’ performance as a criterion: At both ages, participant children distributed more rewards to the targets who had the best performance
Development of Aversive Racism
To control for participants’ gender effects, a preliminary repeatedmeasures ANOVA was carried out with children’s gender as a between-subjects factor and the justified/unjustified contexts and target’s ethnic group as within-subjects factors. The reward scores were the dependent variable. As there were no effects of gender, F(1,80) <1, p=.913, participants’ gender was dropped from subsequent analyses.
The hypotheses were then tested with a full factorial ANOVA design with children’s age from 5 to 7 versus from 8 to 10 as the between-subjects factor and target children’s ethnic group (Black/White) and justification context (justified/ unjustified) as within-subjects factors.
The dependent variable was the number of candies given to each target child in the equal performance (unjustified bias) condition and the mean score of candies given to each target child in the unequal performance (justified bias) condition. The results showed a main effect of the target, F(1,80) = 9.93, p<.002. This effect means, according to H1, that, overall, the Black target received a lower reward (M=2.92, SD=0.28) than the White target (M=3.13, SD=0.37). There were no main effects of the context F(1,80)=0.852, p=.359. Besides, there was no interaction effect between age and target group F(1,80) = 0.303, p= .361, or among the target group and the context F(1,80) <1, p= .780, or between age and context F(1,80) <1, p= .624. However, there was a three-way interaction among age, target and context, F(1,80)=4.52, p<.037.
To interpret this three-way interaction, we analysed each two-way interaction separately for the unjustified and the justified conditions. Thus, to evaluate H2, we examined the effects of age and ethnic group separately for the unjustified and the justified conditions. For the unjustified condition, the age x ethnic group interaction was significant F(1,81)=0.452, p=.037. Planned comparisons were performed to compare the allocation of reward to White and Black targets within each age group. Results indicated that younger participants targets rewarded the Black target less (M=2.84; SD=0.47) than the White target, (M=3.24; SD=0.54), t(36)=2.58, p=.014, whereas older participants allocated similar rewards to both target children (MB=2.98, SD=0.14; MW=3.02, SD=0.14), t (44)=1.0, p=.323. For the justified condition, the age x ethnic group interaction was not significant F(1,83)=0.537, p=.466. Planned comparisons showed that younger children allocated similar rewards to both target children (MB=2.98, SD=0.38; MW=3.12, SD=0.49), t(36)=1.07, p=.322, whereas older children rewarded the White target more than the Black target (MW=3.16, SD=0.58; MB=2.90, SD=0.37), t(45)=2.02, p<.049 (Figure 1). These results partially confirmed our second hypothesis: Indeed, younger participants’ egalitarian rewarding behaviour was not expected in either context condition.
DISCUSSION
This study aimed to test the main assumption of the Aversive Racism Theory (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986) that even when normative guidelines are clear, White people may resort to non-racial factors to justify a negative response in relation to Blacks (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000) and extend this test to the developmental domain. As predicted, overall White participant children displayed racially biased behaviours. However, this result depended on children’s age and the normative context condition. Whereas younger children rewarded the Black target less than the White one in the unjustified, but not in the justified context, older children, as expected, displayed similar rewards to both targets in the unjustified equalperformance condition, but went on rewarding the White target more than the Black one in the justified unequalperformance condition. In other words, racial prejudiced behaviour was not typically reduced in older children; instead, even when social normative guidelines were clear, older children could resort to a non-racial factor (equal versus seemingly unequal targets’ performance) to justify a higher reward to White children.
Figure 1. Mean scores of rewards allocated to Black and White target children by age group and justification contexts
In sum, results were consistent with hypotheses for older children, as they only displayed indirect aversive racism when supported by a context in which that behaviour could be normatively justified. Regarding younger children, results did not show the expected consistency and need further consideration. Study 2, which also tested bias for this age group, examined the replicability of this unanticipated finding.
As Gaertner and Dovidio’s classical studies on aversive prejudice have shown (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000; Gaertner, 1973; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986) indirect expressions of racism can be displayed not only in contexts that can normatively justify intergroup biased attitudes and behaviours, but also incontexts where an anti-prejudice normis not clearly definedor salient. Study 2 addressed this context condition by experimentally analysing the emergence of White children’s indirect expressions of prejudice against the Black social minority in a context where an anti-racism normative pressure was neither clearly defined nor explicitly salient.
STUDY 2
This study intended to further address the developmental course of aversive racism expressions in childhood by using helping behaviour in a high versus low normative context. In line with Crandall and Eshleman’s (2003) justification– suppression model, social norms can also be used as justifications to suppress prejudice expression. Indeed, in situations in which the normative structure is weak or when the guidelines for appropriate behaviour are unclear, aversive racists tend to adopt justifications that discriminate (Pearson et al., 2009). Helping behaviour has been used in aversive racism research with adults (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986), but there is limited research using it with children (McGillicuddy-De Lisi, Daly & Neal, 2006).
Regarding the effect of context normative salience to decrease racially biased behaviours, there is evidence that the mere presence of other people in a research situation can elicit more egalitarian answers among participants (e.g., Castelli, & Tomelleri, 2008; Monteiro et al., 2009). Based on their studies, Castelli and Tomelleri (2008) concluded that the presence of other individuals decreases the prejudiced actions due to the operation of egalitarian social norms. In a different vein, McConahay, Hardee and Batts (1981) manipulated social norms by varying the race of the experimenter who was present and examined the expression of bias expressed against Black people in that context. They found that the presence of a Black woman experimenter, which presumably made anti-racist norms salient, decreased discriminatory responses against Black people in general. In Study 2, we similarly manipulated the salience of anti-racist norms by the presence or absence of a Black experimenter.
In this study, we predicted that (H1), overall, the White target child will receive more help than the Black target child, and (H2), younger children will help White children more than Black children even when the interviewer is present, whereas older children will help White and Black children similarly when the researcher is present but will help the White child more when the interviewer is absent.
METHOD
Participants
A total of 71 White male elementary school children aged 5 to 10years old took part in the study and were assigned to two age groups: 5–7years (42%, Mage =07.06, SD=0.9) 8–10years (58%, Mage =8.9, SD=0.7). The sample was extracted from public and private elementary schools of middle-income socioeconomic standing in the State of Sergipe.
Design
A full factorial design of 2 (participants’ age: 5–7years vs. 8–10years) 2 (anti-racism norm salience: the researcher is present vs. absent) 2 (target: White vs. Black) was used. The last factor was within-subjects. The dependent measure was children’s helping behaviour, measured as the mean number of 1-Real (Brazilian currency=0.49 USA$) play-money notes distributed by participants to each target child (varying from 0 to 13).
Procedures
Children were individually interviewed at school, after parental consent. Photographs of Black and White target children were the same as used in Study 1. A total of 13 1-Real toy notes were used in the helping task.
A Black female interviewer told participants:
‘I’ll tell you about two boys who want to buy bicycles. Each of them wants his own bike. I decided to help them by asking children in this school for a donation. In order to contribute you just have to put that money into those moneyboxes’ (the interviewer displayed two locked moneyboxes and 13 1-Real toy notes on the table). ‘Look! Other children have already contributed’. To illustrate her statement, the interviewer shook the moneyboxes to make a money-like noise. ‘You give as much money as you want and the way you want to. The money you put into each box will become real money and will be given later to the two boys’. Some participants kept some toy notes for themselves, so the sum of the mean scores (Table 1) did not amount to 13. A total of 29 children (40.9%) kept toy notes for themselves: 13 (18,3%) in the low norm salience and 16 (22,6%) in the high norm salience condition kept 1 to 7 notes for themselves (X2 = 6.86, df= 4; p>.1; n= 29).
On one of the money-boxes there was the picture of a Black boy and on the other there was the picture of a White boy. Locks were used to reinforce the idea that other children had already contributed and to offer the child a sense of confidentiality.
The salience of the anti-racism norm was operationalized through the presence (high anti-racism norm salience) versus the absence (low anti-racism norm salience) of the interviewer. In the high anti-racism norm salience condition, the interviewer stayed next to the child during the entire interviewing session. In the low anti-racism norm salience condition, the interviewer left the room after giving the instructions (in order ‘to drink some water’), and the child accomplished the task alone.
Check for Children’s Arithmetic Ability
A pre-test was developed to assess children’s arithmetic ability, which consisted of equally dividing 10 1-Real notes between two children represented on cards of approximately 1215cm, in which gender or skin colour characteristics could not be differentiated. A total of 20 children of both age groups correctly performed this task.
RESULTS
To prepare the data for subsequent analyses, extreme values in both experimental conditions (higher than three standard deviations) were replaced by mean values (one outlier in each target group condition). Data were submitted to repeated-measures ANOVA with participants’ age and the interviewer’s presence versus absence as betweensubjects variables and the target (White versus Black) as the within-subjects variable. The dependent variable was the money (number of notes) allocated by participants to each target child.
Table 1. Mean scores of rewards allocated to Black and White target children by age group and anti-racism norm salience (N=71)
Target child 5 to 7years 8 to 10years 5 to 7years 8 to 10years Total
White 5.68(1.37) 6.47(0.84) 6.64(1.02) 5.50(1.06) 5.98(1.17)

Black 5.49(0.88) 5.88(1.10) 5.91(0.83) 5.90(1.34) 5.81(1.08)
Figure 2. Mean scores of money allocated to Black and White target children by age group and anti-racism norm salience
Results showed a marginal main effect of the target, F(1,67) = 3.19, p = .07. The Black child was given less money (M = 5.81; SD = 1.08) compared with the White target (M = 5.98; SD = 1.17) (Table 1). These results confirmed our first hypothesis. There was no interaction effect among participants’ age and target F(1,67) = 1.2, p= .277, or between target and the interviewer’s presence versus her absence conditions F(1,67) <1, p= .527. According to H2, the target effect was qualified by a triple interaction effect of target x interviewer presence versus absence x participants’ age, F (1,67) = 8.35, p= .005 (Figure 2).
We examined the effects of age and ethnic group separately for the interviewer presence versus absence conditions. For the interviewer’s absence condition, the age x ethnic group interaction was not significant F(1,37)=2.25, p=.142. Planned comparisons indicated that younger participants allocated similar rewards to both target children (MB=5.49; SD=0.88) and (MW=6.68; SD=1.37), t(18)=0.399, p=.695, whereas older participants allocated less rewards to the Black target child (MB=5.88, SD=1.10) than to the White one (MW=6.47; SD=0.84), t(18)=2.33, p=.031. For the interviewer’s presence condition, the age x ethnic group interaction was significant F(1,32) = 5.85, p= .022. Planned comparisons showed that younger children attributed less money to the Black (MB = 5.91; SD = 0.83) than to the White target (MW = 6.64, SD = 1.02), t(10) = 2.18, p=.054, whereas older children gave similar money for the Black (MB=5.90; SD=1.34) and the White target (MW=5.50; 1.06), t(21) 1.40, p=.174. A post-hoc test indicated that in the interviewer’s absence context, older children discriminated against the Black target, whereas in the interviewer’s presence context, only younger children did so (Student–Newman–Keuls, p<.05) (Table 1).
DISCUSSION
This study intended to verify the influence of the anti-racism norm salience on the development of aversive intergroup behaviours in childhood. As in other studies (e.g., Castelli, & Tomelleri, 2008; McConahay, Hardee & Batts, 1981), the salience of anti-racism norm was operationalized by the presence or absence of an interviewer in the assessment situation. The presence of a Black interviewer made the anti-racism norm salient and her absence, by instigating the children to work covertly, created an encouraging non-normative context for displaying a racially prejudiced intergroup behaviour.

As predicted, this was the case only for older children, suggesting the interplay between cognitive development and context normative conditions in the regulation of older children’s prejudiced behaviour (Rutland, 2004). Furthermore, results displayed by older children suggest another form of indirect prejudiced behaviour, similar to the positive-negative asymmetry effect (Mummendey & Otten, 1998), since they allocated the same money to the Black target in both normative salience conditions, while searching for the White target’s positive distinctiveness when the norm was not salient (‘do not give less to the outgroup, but more to the in-group’, Gaertner & Dovidio, 1977).
GENERAL DISCUSSION
Studies presented here aimed to strengthen the assumptions of the theory of aversive racism and to extend its scope to the development of modern expressions of racial prejudice in White children. As expected, we found evidence for this phenomenon in older children in the two conditions set by the theory: In contexts that could justify racial prejudice and in contexts with a low salience of the anti-racism norm (Pearson et al., 2009). Study 1 showed that older children expressed indirect racial prejudice in the target’s seemingly unequal performance context, unrelated to the targets’ ethnicity, which could justify a different rewarding behaviour to the Black and the White children. In Study 2, the same indirect racial prejudice occurred when the interviewer was absent, that is, when the anti-racism norm was not salient. In line with the social-normative approach, these findings support previous studies showing that expressions of prejudice in middle childhood become more complex and context-contingent, quite similar to those of adults, as it has also been shown with implicit measures (e.g., Baron & Banaji, 2006) and with children’s accountability to in-group members (Rodrigues, 2012; Rutland et al., 2005).
These results support the extension of the social-normative model (Crandall & Eshleman, 2003; Monteiro et al., 2009; Rutland et al., 2005), and of the aversive racism theory (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986) to child development studies: Older White children do not reject prejudicedattitudes as their cognitive skills develop (as sustained by the CDT). Instead, they learn to suppress explicit racial prejudice that is prohibited by the prevailing in-group norms, as well as to express it through indirect or veiled attitudes and behaviours that protect them from selfblame, reprimand or punishment, namely when a non-racial justification isavailable or whena normativeanti-prejudicepressure is absent. Moreover, older children’s ability to manage the use of social norms according to contextual demands seems to be the critical socio-cognitive new skill that directly accounts for the emergence of more concealed and aversive expressions of racial prejudice in middle childhood.
These conclusions match those of Raabe and Beelmann’s (2011) meta-analysis on the development of ethnic, racial and national prejudice in childhood. The authors found that the decrease in prejudice in middle childhood presented in many studies could be due to the use of explicit measures, since no age-related changes occurred with implicit or indirect measurement; and this would happen because at that age ‘children start to control their prejudiced responses (…) and consciously evaluate different social groups equally in line with social norms of equality’ (p. 1730–1731). Importantly, in that meta-analysis age-related changes only occurred with explicit measures, meaning that the interplay between cognitive development and normative pressure can account, not directly for blatant/aversive responses, but for older children’s new ability to deal with socio-conventional situation-contingent norms (Kohlberg, 1963; Turiel, 1983).
An important issue originates from younger children’s pattern of results in Study 1. In line with the developmental rationale and with most previous research, we expected that they would display prejudiced behaviours regardless of the presence of a non-racial justification or the salience of an antiprejudice norm. Results partially contradicted this hypothesis, as younger children discriminated against the Black target in the unjustifiable context and did not discriminate in the justifiable context. However, in the Study 2, younger childrendiscriminated against the Black target in both contexts. One simple cause for the results of Study 1 can be the extent to which younger children were able to understand the indirect operationalization we used for the justifiable/unjustifiable context, as well as for the high/low salience of the anti-racism norm. We can wonder whether younger children faced a more complex decision, either cognitively (rewarding a Black and a White child in two symmetrical conditions) or morally (helping a Black and a White child privately) became puzzled by these tasks and chose egalitarian allocations, as the simplest solution. In the same vein, when analyzing the use of distributive justice in children, Damon (1977) noted that around six years old children mainly used the principle of equality in their assessments, while around nine or ten years they mainly adopted the principles of merit and reciprocity. Future research might address this issue using the paradigm of the dictator game, as did Bolton, Katok and Zwick (1998).
It is important to note the role of the interviewer as a representative of the anti-racism norm. Although in our study, we used out-group members as interviewers, other studies have found that the presence of in-group members can also activate the egalitarian norm (e.g., Castelli & Tomelleri, 2008; Monteiro et al., 2009; Rutland et al., 2005) and decrease the expression of racial prejudice. So, the anti-racism norm salience may have been more triggered by the participant child versus the adult interviewer than by the in-group/outgroup (Black versus White) interviewer’s categorization. Future studies should also address this issue.
Finally, in our view, these results intend to be a valuable contribution for the understanding of the racism problem in a context of a singular anti-racism norm, in a culture of miscegenation where contact among racial groups is usual and formal segregation is not acknowledged. We think that studies in different cultural contexts will illuminate future research about the relation between racism and social norms.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This article was partly completed with the assistance of two research grants: one from the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT), of the Portuguese Ministry of Higher Education and Science, under the project ‘Social and cognitive factors of social identity construction and management in inter-ethnic relations: A developmental approach’, ref. POCTI/ PSI/41970/2001 and one from the Brazilian Agency for the Coordination of the Advanced Training of Higher Education personnel (CAPES). We thank the Brazilian children who participated in this research and the teachers and principals who allowed us to conduct the studies in their schools. We are also grateful to the very helpful comments of reviewers on earlier versions of this article. Part of the results of this research has been published in Portuguese in the work of França and Monteiro (2004).

Rogue traders damage a bank’s reputation in addition to representing a huge financial risk. Drawing on the extensive knowledge of the recent UBS rogue trading case, critically evaluate operational risk management approaches to minimise the risk

Subject: operation risk management

References style HARVARD.

Rogue traders damage a bank’s reputation in addition to representing a huge financial risk. Drawing on the extensive knowledge of the recent UBS rogue trading case, critically evaluate operational risk management approaches to minimise the risk.
words should be 2475.

Write a report on Marketing and Sponsorship in Sports & Events

SCENARIO
You are a marketing consultant who has been commissioned to produce a marketing report to a chosen sports/events venue.

TASK
Produce a detailed report (4,000 words) that identifies, describes and evaluates the organisation, in terms of its marketing strategy and should include:
• An analysis of its extended Marketing Mix Strategies both in terms of the organisation and their customers (20%).
• Explain the importance of relationship marketing for sport/event venues, and evaluate to what extent are relationship marketing approaches used by your chosen VENUE for customer retention. (30%)
• Recommend future marketing strategies for the venue that will include
o Creating NEW sponsorship/partnership agreements
o Improving customer retention/attendance at the venue (35%)
• Presentation of the report, structure, written style (15%).

Your report should be professionally written and include recommendations to the CEO linked to a sports/events marketing strategy.

In all cases the report should be more than descriptive collations of individual submissions or library material (sources should be referenced in detail, notions alone are not acceptable) should illustrate relevant aspects of theory and accepted practices, and demonstrate thoughtful analysis and discussion of key issues.

NOTES
• Your research should show an appreciation of the global impact of strategies within the organisation.
• Your report should show detailed breadth/depth of topic coverage, analytical rigour, clarity of interpretations, quality of academic argument and conclusion.
• You are required to research a minimum of ten academic journal articles which must be appropriately referenced.
• All sources must be identified and appropriately cited. There must be evidence of background academic searching / research, the extent of use and relevance of reference material literature techniques and models.

Teachers’ attitudes toward using technology for educational purposes

Essay Title

University students’ attitudes towards the legalisation of living organ markets: What is their position on the matter and why?

ABSTRACT

This section contextualises the AIMS of the research project.

1. Explain the debate/controversy issue:
Organ market is illegal. Some argue that it should remain illegal due to ethical concerns. Others believe it should be legalised due to the chronic shortfall in organs.
2. Need for the survey/Research Gap:
There is no consensus on the issue of legalisation of the organ market and the opinion of the public – the donors and receivers of organs – is a major factor in determining policy. Previous surveys of public attitude to organ market legalisation have shown conflicting results, and further investigation is therefore necessary. Moreover, few studies have investigated atti-tudes amongst university students, despite the fact that university students are almost twice as likely to be on the organ register as those of similar age in the general population.
3. Aim of the research paper:
To identify university students’ attitudes to the legalisation of organ markets1. In particular, the paper aims to identify the reasons for these views2 as well as other factors that may in-fluence attitudes3.

This section gives further background on the topic and narrows to a summary of previous re-search on attitudes to the topic. Note how the structure links into the aims identified in the intro-duction.

1. Background:
People are dying due to organ shortages  Rise of black market for organs.
2. Legalised organ markets:
Legalised organ markets have been suggested as a possible solution  Current public opin-ion on legalisation  Aim 1.
3. Arguments in favour of legalised organ markets:
Reasons the public have supported legalisation in the past and analysis of the validity of these reasons  Aim 2.
4. Arguments against legalised organ markets:
Reasons the public have opposed legalisation in the past and analysis of the validity of these reasons à Aim 2.
5. Factors affecting attitudes towards legalisation:
Previous studies have shown that men are more likely than women to oppose legalisation because…/ According to Alsowayigh (2013), those professing a religion were more likely to oppose legalisation/ Numerous surveys (Xi, 2013; Begimbetov, 2012; Alsunaid and Aytah, 2012; Samkaoui, 2014) have suggested that those who have had first-hand experience of organ donation were more likely to be in favour of legalised markets.

Previous studies (Won, 2013; Babakekhian, 2014) have also provided evidence that the greater an individual’s knowledge of organ markets, especially the current black market, the more likely they are to support legalisation. Research by Sun (2014) and Yuan (2013) con-tradicts these findings, however, identifying no correlation. In addition, a study by Johnson (2012) suggests that attitudes to legal organ markets are negatively correlated to attitudes to donating organs in general; in other words, those who are prepared to donate their own or-gans, or already have, are less likely to support legal markets).  Aim 3.
6. Identify literature gap:
Although attitudes towards the legalisation of organ markets amongst the general public have been widely examined, only two studies (Fan, 2012; Dogan, 2013) have investigated attitudes amongst university students.
7. Objectives:
To identify:
– Attitudes towards legal organ markets amongst university students from a range of nation-alities and studying a variety of subjects (including business and science).
– Reasons for these attitudes.
– Whether there is any correlation of attitudes, as well as the reasons for these attitudes, with factors such as knowledge of organ markets, religion, gender, previous experience of organ donation, and subject studied.

METHODS 300-350

This section outlines how the questionnaire was designed, who you sent it to and how, and how you analysed the results.

1. Questionnaire design:
– Why this tool was chosen.
– How the questionnaire was designed.
– Adaptations made after the pilot.
2. Sample:
– Who was the questionnaire sent to?
3. Procedure:
– How did you distribute the questionnaire?
– How did you analyse the results?

RESULTS 400-450

In this section, analyse your results by aim. However, do NOT use the aims as subheadings.

1. Aim 3:
The sample  Who replied to the survey (i.e. breakdown of sample by gender, religion, na-tionality etc)?
2. Aim 3: Knowledge of organ markets.
3. Aim 1: Attitudes towards legalisation of organ markets.
4. Aim 2: Reasons for attitudes towards organ market legalisation.

DISCUSSION 550-600

In this section, discuss:
1. The key findings from your results.
2. Discuss possible limitations.
3. Give suggestions for further research.
Note that the key findings should tie in to the aims.

FINDINGS

Finding 1: ‘Individuals are now more open to the idea of a living organ market’ = 2:1 in favour  Aim 1.
Relate to previous research: Rodriquez et al (2009) found 20.1% in favour.
Explanation/Reflection on the finding: A possible explanation is that the public have a better un-derstanding of the subject now  Aim 3 (knowledge as a factor affecting attitudes).

Finding 2: Main reason for supporting living organ markets is that ‘it has the potential to reduce, if not resolve, the organ shortage’ Aim 2.
Relate to previous research: Similar results to a survey of physicians by Aronsohn et al (2010).
Explanation/Reflection: There is a consensus between the public and the medical profession.

Finding 3: Main reason for opposing living organ markets is ethical concerns  Aim 2.
Relate to previous research: This agrees with previous research regarding the attitudes of ‘both the society and the transplant community’ (Daar, 2004; Jaycox, 2012).
Explanation/ Reflection: blah blah blah…..

Finding 4: Religious beliefs had no bearing on attitudes  Aim 2 and Aim 3.
Relate to pervious research: Some research has suggested that religious individuals are more likely to oppose organ donation (Sun, 2010; Fan, 2011; Wang, 2013), while other studies (Chan, 2013; Abdulayev, 2014; Babakekhian, 2012) maintain that religion has no bearing on beliefs in this area.
Explanation/Reflection: This study lends support to the latter view.

LIMITATIONS
This is where you can show that you understand any mistakes you have made! It is the equiva-lent of a mini-critique (e.g. the sample size was too small etc.).

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
Again, as you did in the critique.

CONCLUSION 150-200

1. Repeat the aims of the research.
2. Briefly repeat the method.
3. Summarise the main results.
4. Recommendations.

 

An independent consultant to help advise a company on their health and safety management practices.

Module Title:
Health & Safety Management
Assessment Task:

You have been commissioned as an independent consultant to help advise a company on their health and safety management practices in line with possible certification to OHSAS 18001.
As part of this work you are required to provide the company with specific advice on their current management system – through the use and critical analysis of an Initial Status Review (ISR). In addition they have requested information on the development of their management system in line with OHSAS 18001 which can be used by the company to help them manage their legal obligations towards the health, safety and welfare of the employees.

The company should be a ‘mock’ company from one of the following sectors:-
• Oil or chemical production
• Construction
• Manufacturing

For those lacking industrial experience, youtube provides a number of ‘factory tour’ type videos that provide an overview of the equipment and processes used that could form the basis of your mock company. One example is – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jOyMC2SpBII

Task 1: Literature Review and Research:

i. Review your chosen case study company, with respect to the details of the company processed, their activities in relation to H&S and their current Health and Safety Policy Statement / Management System
ii. Review the requirements of OHSAS 18001 and associated legislation which affects your chosen company
iii. Review possible methods for undertaking Initial Status Reviews

Task 2: Using a technique of your choice undertake an Initial Status
Review (ISR) of the current management of Health and safety within the company.

Task 3: Evaluate the current company Health and Safety Policy Statement,
making and discussing recommendations for change.

Task 4: Based on your ISR results, outline a project plan for the company
to address certification to OHSAS1 18001.

Task 5: Critically reflect and evaluate the use of initial status reviews,
within the framework of developing a health and safety management system.

Task 6: Produce a detailed report (~3000 words), covering the above.